Nagriamel secession of Espiritu Santo and the Coconut War, Vanuatu, 1980
Summary
Beginning in June 1980, Jimmy Stevens, head of the Nagriamel movement on Espiritu Santo in the New Hebrides (soon to become Vanuatu), led a 12-week campaign of airport blockade, bridge destruction and unilateral declaration of independence for the “State of Vemerana” to resist the Anglo-French condominium’s plan to incorporate Espiritu Santo into a centralised Vanuatu under Walter Lini [source: wikipedia]. After Stevens declared Vemerana, the New Hebrides government (8 June 1980) asked Britain and France for help; the French refused to act effectively against the rebels while the British sent a small number of troops; Papua New Guinea, at Lini’s request, deployed its first overseas combat force [source: wikipedia]. The campaign ended abruptly in late August 1980 after Stevens’ son was killed attempting to breach a PNG roadblock; Stevens surrendered unconditionally [source: wikipedia]. Stevens was sentenced to 14 years’ imprisonment, ultimately released in 1991 [source: wikipedia]. Vanuatu proceeded with independence on 30 July 1980 as a unified state.
Tactics used
Background
Prior to independence, the New Hebrides were governed by an Anglo-French condominium [source: wikipedia]. In 1980 the UK and France agreed that Vanuatu would be granted independence on 30 July 1980; Walter Lini, head of the anglophone Vanuaaku Pati, was the prime-minister-elect [source: wikipedia]. Jimmy Stevens’ Nagriamel movement, traditionally associated with the Na-Griamel cultural federation of northern Espiritu Santo, opposed centralised rule [source: wikipedia]. Stevens was supported by the Phoenix Foundation — an American business foundation that supported the establishment of a libertarian tax haven in the New Hebrides — and, as later revealed at trial, by secret French support [source: wikipedia].
What happened
Beginning in June 1980, Stevens’ supporters blockaded Santo-Pekoa International Airport and destroyed two bridges; Stevens unilaterally declared the “State of Vemerana” [source: wikipedia]. On 8 June 1980 the New Hebrides government asked Britain and France for troops to suppress the rebellion; the French sent forces but “refused to allow them to take any effective action against the rebels” [source: wikipedia]. Lini then turned to Papua New Guinea; PNG Prime Minister Julius Chan agreed to send troops, and as the PNGDF contingent arrived the foreign media began calling the conflict the “Coconut War” [source: wikipedia]. Stevens’ followers were armed with only bows and arrows, rocks and slings [source: wikipedia]. The campaign “came to a sudden end” in late August 1980 when Stevens’ son was killed at a PNGDF roadblock [source: wikipedia]. Stevens surrendered on 28 August [source: wikipedia]. He was tried, the Phoenix Foundation backing and French support was revealed in court, and he was sentenced to 14 years’ imprisonment [source: wikipedia].
Key people & organizations
- Jimmy Stevens — head of the Nagriamel movement [source: wikipedia]
- Walter Lini — prime-minister-elect of Vanuatu [source: wikipedia]
- Sir Julius Chan — Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea [source: wikipedia]
- Ati George Sokomanu — Vanuatuan leader [source: wikipedia]
- Phoenix Foundation — American libertarian business foundation [source: wikipedia]
- French government — later revealed to have secretly supported Stevens [source: wikipedia]
- Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF) — first overseas deployment [source: wikipedia]
Outcome
Verdict: lost.
Vanuatu proceeded with independence on 30 July 1980 as a single unified state; Espiritu Santo’s de facto secession was suppressed; Stevens served 11 years in prison and the “State of Vemerana” never regained traction [source: wikipedia]. The PNGDF’s intervention became an early test of Pacific island policing and contributed to the diplomatic practice later codified in the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) [source: wikipedia].
Lessons
- Sovereignty campaigns with international backing can sustain a unilateral declaration for weeks, even against a coalition of former-colonial and Pacific neighbours [source: wikipedia]
- Asymmetric low-tech resistance does not defeat an organised military force, but can last long enough to attract international attention if noncombatants are unmolested [source: wikipedia]
- Light military intervention by a regional neighbour can end a secession quickly without heavy casualties when the rebels’ goal is symbolic sovereignty rather than territorial control [source: wikipedia]
Sources
Disclaimer: Included as a teaching example of campaign craft, not as endorsement.
Sources & verification
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T10-balance-oceania - RAW:
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